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Calamity at Chancellorsville Page 12
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Jackson anticipated starting his train journey to Lexington the next day and initially asked Lacy to accompany him. Upon further reflection, however, Jackson decided otherwise, believing—as he had when McGuire wanted to come to Fairfield—that it would set a bad example of “self-gratification” to the troops, so Lacy should instead stay at his post preaching to the army.15
The standard treatment for post-amputation wounds during the Civil War included wet dressings over the site in an attempt to both decrease inflammation and absorb any discharge that might leak from the incision. The most frequent method of “water dressings” used at the time involved applying a cotton cloth over the wound and running a lamp wick from the dressing to a suspended bucket or bowl filled with water. The dressing and wick was then covered with a layer of waxed cloth or india rubber, followed by another layer of cloth bandage to hold the dressings in place. The apparatus would cause a constant stream of water to flow down the wick via capillary action to the dressing placed directly against the wound.
This method required the dressings to be changed at least daily. While completing the task on Tuesday, McGuire informed Jackson that his wounds were doing very well. Pleased at the report, Jackson was confident their healthy appearance indicated that he would not be absent from the field for very long.16
Farther to the south in Richmond that day, Joseph Morrison was just reaching Anna Jackson. Having left Wilderness Tavern on horseback early Sunday morning, Morrison had taken a circuitous route to Guiney Station, where he boarded a Richmond-bound train that was filled with wounded soldiers from the battle of Chancellorsville.
After arriving in Ashland, about 15 miles north of Richmond, the train was suddenly seized by a company of raiding Union cavalry. After inspecting the cars and finding only wounded soldiers, a Federal officer ordered all those who could walk off the train before proceeding to collect the names of the wounded men for parole. After quickly burning his pocket diary to keep it from falling into the hands of the enemy, Morrison exited the train in line with the other Confederates. Due to a lack of vigilance on the part of the Union soldiers, he was eventually able to make an escape and set off for Richmond on foot. He traveled most of the night before being warned by helpful citizens that Union cavalry controlled the roads toward the capital. Compelled to wait another day, it was Tuesday morning before he was able to enter the city and find Anna at the home of Moses Hoge.
Anna Jackson learned from her brother the particulars of her husband’s wounds and the amputation of his arm. Morrison reassured his sister that the general “was doing as well as possible under the circumstances, and was brave and cheerful in spirit.” She wanted to leave Richmond and head north immediately, but Morrison’s arduous journey demonstrated the importance of waiting until the roads and railway were clear of enemy soldiers.17
* * *
When dawn arrived on Wednesday, May 6, it was greeted by a cold rain that had started the previous night and would continue throughout most of the day. Jackson had planned to leave Guiney Station that morning to begin his journey home to Lexington, but the trip was postponed until the weather became more favorable.
From a medical standpoint, Jackson continued to do “remarkably well,” according to McGuire. He “ate heartily for one in his condition,” and his attitude continued to be one of optimism and cheer. All meals for the general and his staff were gladly provided by Mrs. Chandler, and the food was frequently accompanied by milk, a long-time staple of Jackson’s diet that he used for managing his chronic dyspepsia.18
Post-operative infections were a dire complication of amputations during the Civil War, a time when antibiotics did not yet exist, sterile technique was unappreciated, and the germ theory of disease transmission had yet to be advanced in medical science. The three most common, and often fatal, wound site infections of the period were erysipelas, gangrene, and pyemia, or “blood poisoning.” Each disease presented its own unique set of signs and symptoms, and most military surgeons vigilantly monitored the surgical site for changes that heralded the onset of one of these potentially deadly infections.
Bedside clinical notes McGuire took of Jackson’s recovery were lost when his medical wagon was captured during the 1865 battle of Waynesboro, Virginia, but the surgeon emphasized in later writings that Jackson’s wounds never displayed any signs of infection. For instance, during a dressing change on Wednesday, McGuire noted that the general’s wounds were doing “very well,” as healing had taken place “to some extent in the stump” with “healthy granulations” covering the incision site. The right hand wound was also healing well and gave Jackson “little pain.” McGuire covered the wounds with “simple lint and water dressings,” followed by placement of a short splint on the general’s right hand to immobilize the broken bones.19
As McGuire was finishing the dressing change that day, Jackson took the time to comment on his wounds to Jimmy Smith, who was standing nearby. “Many would regard them as a great misfortune; I regard them as one of the blessings of my life.”
“All things work together for good to them that love God,” Smith replied, quoting one of the general’s favorite bible verses.
“Yes!” Jackson exclaimed. “That’s it! That’s it!”20
The most significant news of the day was the reported disappearance of the Army of the Potomac. During the night, Hooker had retreated across the Rappahannock River, ending the battle of Chancellorsville with a Confederate victory.
Although the end of the fighting removed any worry of Jackson being captured, the heavy burden and constant strain of caring for the wounded general were beginning to take their toll on Hunter McGuire. The young physician had barely slept for three consecutive nights, and he was now feeling “quite sick” himself. Since Jackson was stable and improving, it seemed to be a good time for McGuire to try to get some rest of his own. Leaving the general under the watchful care of Jim Lewis and Tucker Lacy, the exhausted surgeon spent the night asleep on a nearby lounge.21
Around 1:00 a.m., Jackson awoke and complained of not feeling well—the nausea that had affected him during the ambulance ride on Monday had returned. He wanted to use the water cure again, and asked Lewis to get a wet towel and place it on his stomach. The servant hesitated, suggesting that he wake McGuire first to see whether the treatment was appropriate. Well aware that the young physician was getting his first full sleep in days, Jackson refused to allow him to be awakened. Reluctantly, Lewis obtained a wet cloth and placed it on the general’s stomach. This time, however, the water therapy had no effect. Not only did the nausea continue unabated throughout the night, but the right side pain he had experienced the day after his wounding also reappeared.
The sharp pain in Jackson’s chest steadily increased to the point where he struggled to breathe normally. Around dawn, he finally allowed Lewis to awaken McGuire, who then found the general “suffering with great pain in his side and difficulty of breathing.” While turning down Jackson’s clothes to examine him, McGuire noticed that the bed was damp, prompting Lewis to inform him of the persistent nausea and the unsuccessful use of the wet towel.
A thorough examination by McGuire revealed the source of the symptoms: Jackson was suffering from “pleuro-pneumonia of the right side.” Pneumonia was a well-known—and deadly—illness during the Civil War. Over 60,000 cases of the infection were documented during the conflict’s four years, with a mortality rate of 24 percent, making “inflammation of the lungs and pleura” the third most common cause of death due to disease. The pleura, a thin membrane covering the lung surface and the inside of the chest cavity, is richly supplied with pain-sensing nerves that are not found within the lungs themselves. When an infection reaches the surface of a lung, the sharp pain of pleurisy is often felt. Since Jackson had both pneumonia and pleurisy, McGuire used the period term “pleuro-pneumonia” to describe his condition.22
Rumors would eventually circulate through the army that Jackson’s pneumonia was caused by the use of the wet towels to
treat his nausea on Wednesday night. McGuire dispelled such rumors in later writings, stating, “The disease came on too soon after the application of the wet cloths, to admit of the supposition, once believed, that it was induced by them.” Instead, McGuire and colleagues maintained the pneumonia was a complication of a pulmonary contusion, or bruised lung, that Jackson suffered when he fell from the litter the night of his wounding. “Contusion of the lung,” McGuire wrote, “with extravasation of blood in his chest, was probably produced by the fall referred to, and shock and loss of blood prevented any ill effects until reaction had been well established, and then inflammation ensued.”23
McGuire instantly realized the danger presented by pneumonia: the illness carried a mortality rate nearly twice that of the amputation he had performed on Jackson. In the pre-antibiotic era of medicine, effective treatments for the infection were limited, but McGuire would use all the standard and accepted medical therapies of the time. He started by administering opium, often in the form of morphine, to control the pain Jackson was experiencing and to help him rest more comfortably. While the morphine would be successful in relieving the general’s discomfort, it would also affect his mental alertness, leading to a stupor that would contribute to the delirium he would eventually develop from the pneumonia.
McGuire also performed wet cupping, a form of superficial bleeding, after the appropriate instruments were obtained from the nearby house of Dr. Joseph A. Chandler. Wet cupping was a common technique used to draw blood to the surface of the skin by first placing a glass vessel over the affected lung and heating it to create an internal vacuum, causing the raising of a blister. The blister was then cut open with an instrument known as a scarificator, followed by reapplication of the cup. The suction from the cup would subsequently withdraw anywhere from two to four ounces of blood from the open blister. The liberal use of cathartics, or medications to purge the gastrointestinal tract, were another pre-antibiotic treatment for pneumonia; as a result, Jackson was given repeated oral doses of mercury as a laxative and antimony to induce vomiting.24
The seriousness of Jackson’s illness necessitated the services of more than one physician, so McGuire sent Tucker Lacy to request the help of Samuel B. Morrison, chief surgeon of Maj. Gen. Jubal A. Early’s division and distant relative to Anna Jackson; Morrison had served as the Jacksons’ family physician prior to the start of the war.
En route to finding Morrison, Lacy stopped at General Lee’s headquarters to inform the commander that Jackson’s condition had suddenly worsened. Although concerned at the news, Lee stated he was confident God would see to the general’s recovery, adding, “Give General Jackson my affectionate regards and say to him: He has lost his left arm, but I my right arm. Tell him to get well and come back to me as soon as he can.”25
* * *
With the tracks of the Richmond, Fredericksburg, & Potomac Railroad repaired and Union cavalry out of the immediate area, Anna Jackson was finally able to board an armed train to Guiney Station. She was accompanied by her infant daughter Julia, a nurse named Aunt Hetty, and her brother Joseph Morrison. The group arrived at Fairfield where Jimmy Smith greeted them shortly after noon on May 7.
Anna immediately inquired of her husband’s condition, and by the way the young lieutenant replied “pretty well,” she could tell something was wrong. The tone and manner of his response betrayed the gravity of the situation, and her “heart sank like lead.” She wanted to see him immediately, but was told McGuire was busy changing the dressings and she would have to wait until he was finished.26
While pacing anxiously along the porch, Anna suddenly became “horrified” by the sight of soldiers digging in a grave near the house, exhuming a coffin, and placing it on the ground next to the freshly dug hole. She was told the casket contained the body of the Jacksons’ friend Frank Paxton and was being taken back to Lexington for final burial. Anna knew Paxton’s young wife, and the realization that her friend was now a widow had a profound effect upon her own emotional state. She would later recall that her “own heart almost stood still under the weight and apprehension” of the awareness, and that she felt the “ghastly spectacle was a most unfitting preparation for my entrance into the presence of my stricken husband.”27
Dr. Samuel Morrison.
Virginia Historical Society (1972.13.19)
* * *
Jackson had requested some lemonade, so Smith tried to redirect Anna’s nervous energy by suggesting she occupy her time mixing the drink. Although her mind was understandably more focused on seeing her ailing husband than on making lemonade, she tried nonetheless. Smith took a glass of the newly made drink to Jackson, who took one sip and stated, “You didn’t mix this, it is too sweet. Take it back.”28
When Anna was finally allowed into the sick room, Jackson was lying in bed with his eyes closed. She quietly walked to the bed, leaned over, and gently kissed him. A smile spread across his face when he opened his eyes and saw his wife beside him. “I am very glad to see you looking so bright,” he said to her. His appearance, though, was in such contrast to the way he had looked eight days previously when she had last seen him that her own smile quickly faded at the sight. With his “face sunken, complexion bad, and respiration terribly difficult,” Anna wrote, “he looked like a dying man.”
As Anna’s anxiety and sadness intensified, he softly said to her, “My darling, you must cheer up, and not wear a long face. I love cheerfulness and brightness in a sickroom.” Finding it impossible to resist the drowsiness of the morphine, Jackson then faded off to sleep.29
The general spent the remainder of the afternoon with Anna at his side while he drifted in and out of consciousness, at one time calling out in his stupor, “Major Pendleton send in and see if there is higher ground back of Chancellor’s!” While awake, he was too nauseated to ingest much nourishment, so McGuire sent Jim Lewis to the house to ask Mrs. Chandler for some thin “ice cream made of skim milk flavored with a little vanilla,” hoping the general would tolerate a light diet.30
Dr. Sam Morrison first arrived at the house that evening around 5:00 p.m. and noted that Jackson was breathing “badly” and “suffering much pain.” As his former physician entered the room, Jackson raised his right arm and proclaimed, “There’s an old familiar face.”31
Although confident of the diagnosis and treatment plan, McGuire and Morrison thought an expert opinion on Jackson’s condition might be beneficial. They decided to seek the help of Dr. David H. Tucker at the Medical College of Virginia in Richmond, a well-respected physician who was considered an authority on pneumonia. Additionally, Anna Jackson needed help caring for young Julia, as she was determined to spend as much time as possible next to her husband; she suggested her friend Susan Hoge, another resident of Richmond. As a result, Jimmy Smith departed for the city that evening tasked with bringing Dr. Tucker, Mrs. Hoge, and more lemons back to Fairfield.32
As Thursday, May 7, 1863, came to a close, Jackson’s chest pain started to diminish and his condition actually improved—to the extent, McGuire said, that “hopes were again entertained of his recovery.” Jackson was pleased to have Anna at his bedside, telling her that evening, “You are one of the most precious little wives in the world.” Although he slept somewhat fitfully that night, he had no further complaints of chest discomfort or nausea.33
Jackson’s clinical improvement lasted into a misty Friday morning. His pain was gone and Anna thought his mind “more rational.” He told Sam Morrison that he felt better and believed he would get well, as “God has yet a work for me to perform.” McGuire was also pleased to find no signs of a developing infection in Jackson’s wounds, noting during the day’s dressing change that the “process of healing was still going on.” Engaging in a religious discussion with McGuire at the time, Jackson asked the surgeon whether he thought diseased persons “healed by the miraculous touch of the Savior“ ever suffered again from the same malady. McGuire thought such a recurrence would be impossible, and Jackson agreed with his physi
cian, believing the “healing virtue of the Redeemer was too potent.” Then, after a brief pause, Jackson looked upward and exclaimed, “Oh, for infinite power!”34
With Jackson improving, Sam Morrison felt comfortable leaving Fairfield at 11:00 a.m. to attend the wounded at his own division hospital. Meanwhile, Smith returned from his errands in Richmond and entered the room just as Jackson was in the middle of another discussion of a religious nature.
“Mr. Smith,” Jackson asked the divinity student, “what were the headquarters of the Christians after the crucifixion?”
The young lieutenant replied that before Rome was established as the headquarters, there existed only “centers of influence,” such as Antioch and Iconium.
Intrigued by the answer, Jackson instructed, “Mr. Smith, I wish you would get the map and show me precisely where Iconium was.”
When Smith replied that no map of the area was currently at hand, Jackson offered, “Yes, sir. You will find it in the atlas in my old trunk.” After searching the trunk but finding no map, Smith suggested the general had perhaps left it in his portable desk.
“Yes, I left it in my box,” Jackson acknowledged, then added, “Mr. Smith, I wish you would examine into that matter and report to me.”35
Optimism about Jackson’s eventual recovery, however, was short-lived. Late in the afternoon, both his fever and breathing difficulty returned. As Dr. Tucker had not yet arrived from Richmond, McGuire solicited the opinions of two other military surgeons, Drs. Robert J. Breckenridge and J. Philip Smith. While both concurred with the diagnosis of pneumonia, Breckenridge suggested a blister placed over the affected lung might afford additional relief. Medical blisters of the period were typically a six by eight inch plaster of a caustic substance such as cantharides or croton oil that blistered the skin, intended to stimulate healing and draw the infection out of the lung and to the surface.36