Calamity at Chancellorsville Read online

  Although he remained free of chest pain through the rest of the evening, Jackson’s “prostration” increased and he complained to McGuire of “a feeling of great exhaustion.” Anna asked that evening whether he wanted to see Julia, but he declined, saying he would prefer to wait until he felt better. He also refused her attempts to draw him into more conversation by reminding her that the doctors had advised he should remain quiet, though adding, “My darling, you are very much loved.”37

  Sam Morrison arrived back at Fairfield that evening to find Jackson’s “delirium more constant and his strength failing, though when his attention was called, he seemed to recognize all persons present, and understood everything spoken to him.” Jackson spent Friday night in a restless sleep, once calling out in a daze, “Tell Major Hawks to send forward provisions to the men.” While tending to him during the night, Sam Morrison woke the general at one point to give him a dose of medicine, asking first, “Will you take this?”

  “Do your duty,” Jackson replied, “do your duty.”38

  1 Lucy Chandler Pendleton to Edward T. Stuart, May 30, 1930, FSNMP, bound volume 188; R. L. C. Barrett, “Mrs. Pendleton Tells of Jackson’s Passing Away at her Old Home,” Herald-Progress (Ashland, VA), November 25, 1925. Hunter McGuire originally provided Hotchkiss with his handwritten account, “Last Hours of Stonewall Jackson,” for publication in the book Chancellorsville: Embracing the Operations of the Army of Northern Virginia from the First Battle of Fredericksburg to the Death of Lieutenant-General Jackson (New York, NY, 1867) by Jed Hotchkiss and William Allan. In this early narrative, McGuire mistakenly indicated that the ride to Guiney Station occurred on Tuesday, May 5. Because McGuire used this account as a template for future writings, the chronological error persisted in several later publications. G. F. R. Henderson discovered the mistake while collecting information for his book Stonewall Jackson and the American Civil War. Henderson alerted Hotchkiss to the mistake, who then wrote to McGuire about the “important error,” saying, “I do not see how this escaped the attention of Col. Allan or myself and how it has been so long unnoticed.” See Jedediah Hotchkiss to Hunter McGuire, July 22, 1897, Hotchkiss Collection, reel 34, LC.

  2 John J. Carson to Mary C. Higgs, January 20, 1916, copy in author’s possession. Carson returned to action in 1864 and was wounded twice more before the end of the war. See Tom E. Sanders, “He is Dead, Yet He Liveth,” Civil War Times (2008), vol. 46, issue 10, 38-39.

  3 McGuire, “Last Hours of Stonewall Jackson”; Smith, “Lt. Smith Narrative”; Lacy, “Narrative”; Hotchkiss, Make Me a Map of the Valley, 140.

  4 John J. Carson to Mary C. Higgs, January 20, 1916; McGuire, “Narrative”; Robert L. Dabney, Life and Campaigns of Lieut-Gen. Thomas J. Jackson (New York, NY, 1866), 711.

  5 Dabney, Life and Campaigns, 713; McGuire, “Last Hours of Stonewall Jackson.”

  6 Ibid.

  7 Ibid.; Smith, “Lt. Smith Narrative.”

  8 Lucy Chandler Pendleton to Edward T. Stuart, May 30, 1930; Herald-Progress (Ashland, VA), November 25, 1925.

  9 Ibid.; Lucy Chandler Pendleton to Edward T. Stuart, May 30, 1930; Smith, “Lt. Smith Narrative.” Anna Jackson wrote in Life and Letters of General Thomas J. Jackson that it was “the surgeons” who decided to use the outbuilding because some of the wounded soldiers in the main house were suffering from erysipelas. As a result, subsequent writers often attributed the decision to McGuire, but it appears the room choice was made by Lacy before McGuire arrived at Fairfield.

  10 Lucy Chandler Pendleton to Edward T. Stuart, May 30, 1930.

  11 Everard H. Smith, ed., “The Civil War Diary of Peter W. Hairston, Volunteer Aide to Major General Jubal A. Early, November 7–December 4, 1863,” in North Carolina Historical Review (1990), vol. 67, issue 1, 59-86 (entry for November 18, 1863).

  12 McGuire, “Last Wound of the Late Gen. Jackson,” 409; McGuire, “Last Hours of Stonewall Jackson”; McGuire, “Narrative.”

  13 Fourth Annual Report of the Library Board of the Virginia State Library 1906-1907 (Richmond, VA, 1907), 99.

  14 Hotchkiss, Make Me a Map of the Valley, 141; McGuire, “Last Hours of Stonewall Jackson”; McGuire, “Narrative”; Cooke, Stonewall Jackson: A Military Biography, 442; Richmond (VA) Enquirer, May 13, 1863; Lacy, “Narrative”; Dabney, Life and Campaigns, 713.

  15 Susan Lee, Memoirs of William Nelson Pendleton, 271.

  16 Richmond (VA) Enquirer, May 13, 1863; McGuire, “Last Wound of the Late Gen. Jackson,” 409.

  17 Joseph G. Morrison, “Stonewall Jackson at Chancellorsville,” CV (May 1905); Joseph G. Morrison to Robert Dabney, October 29, 1863; Joseph G. Morrison to Spier Whitaker, June 27, 1900; Jackson, Life and Letters, 463.

  18 Richmond (VA) Enquirer, May 13, 1863; McGuire, “Last Wound of the Late Gen. Jackson,” 409; Lucy Chandler Pendleton to Edward T. Stuart, May 30, 1930.

  19 McGuire, “Last Wound of the Late Gen. Jackson,” 409.

  20 Ibid., 410.

  21 McGuire, “Last Hours of Stonewall Jackson.”

  22 Ibid.; McGuire, “Last Wound of the Late Gen. Jackson,” 410; Charles Smart, The Medical and Surgical History of the War of the Rebellion (Washington, D.C., 1888), pt. 3, vol. I, 751-810.

  23 McGuire, “Last Wound of the Late Gen. Jackson,” 410; McGuire, “Last Hours of Stonewall Jackson”; McGuire, “Death of Stonewall Jackson,” 160-161.

  24 Joseph A. Chandler to R. A. Lancaster, Jr., October 16, 1894, Thomas J. Jackson Collection, MOC; Smart, The Medical and Surgical History of the War of the Rebellion, 809.

  25 Lacy, “Narrative.” Lee’s phraseology about losing his right arm is also documented in a soldier’s letter home within days of the incident. See John A. Crawford to sister, May 12, 1863, Crawford Family Papers, University of South Carolina.

  26 Jackson, Life and Letters, 464.

  27 Ibid.

  28 Smith, “Lt. Smith Narrative.”

  29 Anna Jackson to Laura Arnold, September 12, 1864, VMI; Jackson, “Narrative”; Jackson, Life and Letters, 465.

  30 Lacy, “Narrative”; Lucy Chandler Pendleton to Edward T. Stuart, May 30, 1930.

  31 Samuel B. Morrison to uncle, May 13, 1863, Florida Atlantic University (FAU); Samuel Morrison, “Narrative,” Dabney-Jackson Collection, box 2, LVA.

  32 Smith, “Lt. Smith Narrative”; McGuire, “Last Hours of Stonewall Jackson”; Anna Jackson to Laura Arnold, September 12, 1864.

  33 McGuire, “Last Wound of the Late Gen. Jackson,” 410; Anna Jackson to Laura Arnold, September 12, 1864.

  34 Anna Jackson to Laura Arnold, September 12, 1864; Samuel B. Morrison to uncle, May 13, 1863; McGuire, “Last Wound of the Late Gen. Jackson,” 411; Dabney, Life and Campaigns, 720.

  35 Ibid.; Smith, “Lt. Smith Narrative.”

  36 Breckenridge was the Inspector of Camps and Hospitals for the Army of Northern Virginia; Smith was a physician from Virginia who was with McGuire at the Winchester Medical College prior to the war. The latter was working as a physician in Confederate general hospitals.

  37 McGuire, “Last Wound of the Late Gen. Jackson,” 411; McGuire, “Last Hours of Stonewall Jackson”; Jackson, “Narrative”; Anna Jackson to Laura Arnold, September 12, 1864.

  38 Jackson, “Narrative”; Samuel B. Morrison to uncle, May 13, 1863.

  Chapter Nine

  The Shade of the Trees

  The morning of Saturday, May 9, 1863, dawned warm and clear over the Chandler plantation near Guiney Station, Virginia. Although the gray, overcast skies and cool temperatures outside had given way to a more pleasant environment, the atmosphere inside the small, frame building near the main house remained dreary. Seven days ago, Stonewall Jackson, already ill with a head cold, had nearly bled to death after being shot three times by his own men in a friendly fire accident. His removal from the field was complicated by a severe fall from the litter that resulted in a bruised right lung. He underwent amputation of his left arm five hours later and, the next day, was transported by wagon 27 miles to Fairfi
eld, where he now lay battling a pneumonia that had developed in the injured lung. Despite the dedicated, around-the-clock medical care Jackson had received, it was becoming increasingly obvious to the physicians that his illness was fatal.

  Although the general was free of pain and breathing a little easier, McGuire noted that Jackson was “hourly growing weaker.” In a Saturday letter to his sister, Jimmy Smith wrote that Jackson was worse that morning and that his condition was “sinking.” Dr. David Tucker, an expert in pneumonia, arrived from Richmond that day, examined Jackson, and concurred with the diagnosis and treatment. McGuire remained confident that “all that human skill could devise” was being done “to stay the hand of death.”1

  Tucker’s presence brought the total to five doctors who had been involved in Jackson’s care since he arrived at Fairfield, an occurrence that did not escape the general’s notice.

  “I see from the number of physicians that you think my condition dangerous,” Jackson said to McGuire that morning, “but I thank God, if it is His will, that I am ready to go.”2

  Later that afternoon, Jackson asked to see Lacy. McGuire and the other physicians tried to dissuade him, believing the conversation would be too tiring, but he was so persistent in the request that they deemed it wise to appease him. When Lacy entered the room, Jackson asked the chaplain whether he was “endeavoring to further the matter of which he had spoken to him” concerning plans of “promoting the Sabbath observance” among the soldiers. Despite the pastor’s assurances that he had done so, Jackson, as the physicians had predicted, continued to engage Lacy in a lengthy discussion on the topic.3

  By evening, Jackson was becoming progressively fatigued and feverish. At one point, while Anna was wiping sweat from his forehead, he opened his eyes and noticed tears on her cheeks. “Anna, none of that, none of that,” he softly chided her. Asking her to not “put on a long face” on his account, he went on: “Pray for me, but always remember in your prayers to use the petition, ‘Thy will be done.’” Trying to find other ways to comfort him, she asked whether he would like to hear some Psalms read from the Old Testament. His initial response was that he was too tired to listen, but then he quickly changed his mind: “Yes, we must never refuse that. Get the Bible and read them.”4

  Sam Morrison would tell Jackson later that night that it was possible he might not survive the pneumonia. Trying to remain optimistic, Jackson replied, “I think I shall be better by morning.”5

  During his time at Hamilton’s Crossing prior to the battle, Jackson had enjoyed engaging the “musical members of his staff” in hymn singing every Sunday evening. Now, as his restlessness increased during the night, Jackson requested that his wife and others around sing the most spiritual pieces they could select. Anna and her brother Joseph began by singing “Harwell,” followed by several of his other favorite hymns. They concluded, at Jackson’s request, with Isaac Watt’s verse based on the 51st Psalm and sung to the tune of the “Old Hundredth”:

  Show pity, Lord, O Lord, forgive,

  Let a repenting rebel live;

  Are not thy mercies large and free?

  May not a sinner trust in thee?6

  Jackson would get little sleep during the night, dozing intermittently as Smith sat up until 2:00 a.m. sponging his head with cool water. Anytime the aide happened to stop, Jackson would open his eyes and ask him to continue: “Go on Mr. Smith, it is good,” he would say.7

  The next morning, Sunday, May 10, 1863, there were “no grounds for hope,” as Sam Morrison wrote in a letter to his uncle. McGuire and the other physicians realized that Jackson’s exhaustion and weakness had progressed to a point at which their beloved general would not survive another day.8

  Tucker Lacy wanted to remain with Jackson that morning, but the general’s selfless concern for his soldiers’ well-being remained constant, and he instructed the chaplain to return to camp and hold Sunday worship for the army as usual. Before the service, General Lee asked Lacy for an update on Jackson’s condition, and the pastor informed him that the situation appeared hopeless. “Surely, Jackson must recover,” a concerned Lee replied, “God will not take him from us now that we need him so much.”9

  With Lee, A. P. Hill, and 1,800 soldiers from Jackson’s corps in attendance, Lacy preached a moving Sunday service based on the scripture, “All things work together for good to them that love God.” Afterward, Lee approached Lacy again and expressed his belief that the prayers for Jackson’s recovery would be answered, adding, “When you return, I trust you will find him better. When a suitable occasion offers, tell him that I prayed for him last night as I never prayed, I believe, for myself.”10

  Although Fairfield was not far from Lee’s headquarters, the commanding general never saw Jackson during his illness. The wounding had been a troubling event for Lee, and his most noted biographer, Douglas Southall Freeman, believes he avoided visiting Jackson out of concern he would be unable to control his emotions. Focused work and ardent prayer, in Lee’s mind, were the best solution for dealing with the painful situation.11

  Despite the hopes and prayers of so many, Jackson’s life continued to fade away at Fairfield. When it became evident by 10:00 a.m. that her husband could not be expected to survive the day, Anna was taken into another room by Sam Morrison and quietly informed that death was imminent. Maintaining her composure despite the “agony of that announcement,” Anna asked whether she could tell her husband, as she felt sure he would want to know. She reflected on his past insistence that he was willing to die at any time if it was God’s will, but he would desire to have a few hours’ notice.12

  Anna returned to the room, knelt down beside her husband’s bed, and gently called his name. “Do you know that the doctors say you must very soon be in heaven?” she asked. Jackson, not fully awake, uncomprehendingly stared at her. “Do you know that in a very few hours, you will be with your Savior?” she posed again. Jackson remained silent. “If God wills you to go today, do you not feel willing to acquiesce in his allotment?”

  “I prefer it,” he finally answered, and then with added emphasis, repeated, “I prefer it.”

  “Before the day closes,” she told him, “you will be with the blessed Savior in his glory.”

  “I shall be an infinite gainer to be translated,” he replied.13

  Anna asked whether he wanted her and the baby to live with her father in North Carolina. “Yes, back to your father,” he replied. “You have a kind, good father, but our heavenly father is better than all.” His mental alertness began to fade again, but Anna had more questions that needed answering. She asked where he wished to be buried.

  “Charlotte . . . Charlottesville,” he mumbled. Surprised at the answer, she asked whether he did not wish to be buried in Lexington. “Yes, Lexington,” he whispered, “in my own plot.” Anna then wanted to know whether he had any messages for his sister, Laura. “I am too much exhausted,” he offered, “I have a great deal to say to you but this is no occasion for it now.”14

  Jackson rested quietly for nearly an hour and was more alert when he awoke around 11:00 a.m. Anna wanted to be sure he had comprehended the previous discussion and asked again whether he understood that “before the sun went down he would be with his Savior.”

  “Oh, no,” he responded, “you are frightened, my child, death is not so near. I may yet recover.”

  Crying bitterly, Anna fell upon his bed and told him again that the doctors said there was no hope. After a moment’s silence, Jackson said, “Call Doctor McGuire, let us know what he says about it.”

  McGuire, standing in the anteroom, entered the sick room when Anna called. “Doctor,” Jackson asked him, “Anna says you have told her that I am to die today. Is it true?” The young physician sadly confirmed the prognosis. Jackson, turning his eyes toward the ceiling, gazed upward “in intense thought” for several seconds before stating, “Very good, very good. It is all right.” He then turned his attention to Anna and tried to console her by quoting passages from scrip
ture.15

  Mantel clock in Jackson’s room at Fairfield.

  Author’s Collection

  * * *

  With Jackson awake and alert, his daughter Julia was brought into the room by Mrs. Hoge. It had been a short 20 days since the general walked onto the train at Guiney Station and laid eyes upon his infant daughter for the first time. Upon opening his eyes and seeing her again, the same broad smile that had crossed his face at that time reappeared. “Little darling,” he said fondly, “sweet one.”

  She was placed on the bed next to him, and the smiling infant cooed as he reached up and caressed her with his splinted hand. Calling her his “little comforter,” he marveled at her being such a “bright baby.” Julia remained beside him for several minutes before being reluctantly carried out of the room. Jackson took a moment before she left to close his eyes, raise his hand in the air, and offer a silent prayer over his daughter. The tenderness of the moment overwhelmed many in the room. “Tears were shed over that dying bed by strong men who were unused to weep,” Anna recalled.16

  As the mantel clock slowly and agonizingly ticked off the passing time, Jackson’s mind alternated between moments of lucidity and delirium. During one of his rational periods, McGuire offered him a drink of brandy mixed with water. Jackson refused it: “It will only delay my departure, and do no good; I want to preserve my mind, if possible, to the last.”17

  Sandie Pendleton came into the room around noon and the general recognized him instantly. “Who was preaching at headquarters today?” he asked the young aide. Pendleton responded that Reverend Lacy had delivered the morning sermon and that the entire army was praying for him. “Thank you,” he said, “they are very kind.” After a moment’s pause, he added, “It is the Lord’s Day. My wish is fulfilled. I have always desired to die on Sunday.”18

  An hour later Jackson was progressively growing weaker and his delirium more frequent. “His mind now began to fail and wander,” McGuire wrote, “and he frequently talked as if in command upon the field, giving orders in his old way, then the scene shifted and he was at the old mess table, going through conversations with members of his staff; now with his wife and child, now at prayers with his military family.”19